Analyst Takes

Venezuela-Guyana Essequibo Dispute: A Brief History

byTom Liskey

Essequibo: The Ghost Map That Still Shapes Venezuela 

For generations of Venezuelans, the country’s eastern border has contained something unusual: a piece of the national map that is there and not there at the same time. 

Imagine a schoolroom in a Venezuelan fishing village. The afternoon heat hangs over a restless classroom as a teacher points toward the country’s eastern edge. There, the map changes. The territory west of the Essequibo River appears differently shaded and carries words generations of students have learned to recognize: Zona en Reclamación. Zone under claim. 

It is a small cartographic distinction carrying an enormous historical burden. 

Known in Venezuela as Guayana Esequiba and commonly referred to in English as the Essequibo, the contested territory represents roughly two-thirds of Guyana’s landmass. For many Venezuelans, however, the dispute is not simply about territory. It has become intertwined with history, national identity and a longstanding perception of something taken from the country. 

To understand why the dispute remains so durable, it is necessary to go back more than a century. 

A Border Drawn in an Age of Empires 

The modern controversy reaches into the nineteenth century. 

In the 1840s, Britain commissioned naturalist Robert Schomburgk to survey the frontier of what was then British Guiana. The resulting Schomburgk Line placed substantial territory claimed by Venezuela within British Guiana.  

Venezuela was then a young republic confronting chronic political instability and financial weakness. 

In 1899, the Paris Arbitral Award established the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, largely confirming the Schomburgk demarcation. Venezuela would later argue that the settlement favored the British Empire and, in 1962, rejected the award as null and void.  

By then, however, Venezuela was a very different country. 

Oil had transformed its economy and international importance. In 1960, Venezuelan oil minister Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonzo helped found OPEC. Six years later, shortly before British Guiana became independent Guyana, the Geneva Agreement established a framework for dealing with the dispute without resolving the competing claims. 

The controversy was subsequently put into diplomatic cold storage through the 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain, which imposed a 12-year moratorium on actively pursuing it. Guyana continued to administer the territory, while Venezuela maintained its claim.  

The Territory on the Map 

Treaties and arbitration decisions explain the legal history. 

They do not fully explain the endurance of the dispute. 

For that, return to the classroom. 

Generations of Venezuelan schoolchildren encountered the Essequibo as something unfinished. The differently shaded territory on school atlases communicated a simple idea: this was land outside Venezuelan control but not, in the Venezuelan telling, completely outside the nation. 

As Venezuela grew richer and more confident during the twentieth century, the claim acquired another layer of significance. What originated in nineteenth-century diplomacy survived into an era in which Venezuela had become an influential petroleum producer.  

Different governments approached Guyana differently. 

Rafael Caldera’s government pursued diplomacy associated with the Port of Spain agreement. Decades later, Hugo Chávez generally avoided making the claim a centerpiece of his regional policy and supplied Guyana with preferential oil through Petrocaribe while maintaining Venezuela’s underlying territorial position.  

Under Nicolás Maduro, the dispute again assumed greater political prominence. The source document describes the claim becoming a rallying point amid mounting domestic pressures, sanctions, deteriorating infrastructure, migration and severe economic contraction. 

Eventually, Venezuelan lawmakers approved legislation creating a state in the disputed territory. The document also reports that Venezuelans voted for representatives of the new state in May 2025.  

Something that had existed for generations on maps was increasingly moving into contemporary politics.

Picture of Tom Liskey

Tom Liskey

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